The article argues that in European public debates the Muslim Question is performed by and linked to the issues of Muslims’ integration and recognition as political (unthreatening) subjects. I suggest that, in order to defuse the performative negative effects of the Muslim Question on Muslims’ democratic agency, we should address it without rendering them invisible in the public sphere and in enhancing their political agency. Drawing from an analysis of the Swiss case I show that integration because adjustment entails a depoliticization and a normalization of Muslims’political agency. In this way, integration as a process acts as an alternative and as a way to empower Muslim political subjectivity and therefore the fairest way to tackle the undemocratic impact of the Muslim Question.
Cet article présente les résultats d’une recherche qui analyse les dynamiques contemporaines de sécurité en Suisse. Il détaille les différentes étapes mises en œuvre pour construire le champ de la sécurité en Suisse. L’analyse des prises de positions des acteurs de la sécurité, par l’analyse des menaces gérées par ces acteurs, valide la thèse de la globalisation de l’(in)sécurité dont la spécificité est l’établissement d’une sorte de continuum entre des menaces qui relèvent des champs de la sécurité intérieure et extérieure, consacrant ainsi la dé-différenciation entre les acteurs de la sécurité intérieure et extérieure, avec notamment une convergence vers les questions migratoires et la lutte contre le terrorisme. L’espace des positions du champ de la sécurité suisse est construit à partir des différents types de capitaux possédés par les individus (capital social, capital culturel, capital technologique et capital international) et permet de dégager la dimension transnationale des luttes qui structurent ce champ. L’analyse tire parti de la complémentarité des méthodes statistiques utilisées, à savoir l’analyse des correspondances multiples, l’analyse en composantes principales et l’analyse de réseau, qui sont parfaitement adaptées à une perspective relationnelle et à la construction d’espaces sociaux ou de champs.
Dieser Beitrag untersucht die Reaktionen organisierter kollektiver Akteure im öffentlichen Raum im Kontext der 2008 begonnenen Wirtschaftskrise. Er zielt darauf ab, zu zeigen, wie europäische Bürger im öffentlichen Raum, vermittelt durch die Medien, auf die Wirtschaftskrise reagiert haben – oder zumindest, wie sie mit den daraus entstehenden Themen umgegangen sind. Uns interessieren öffentliche Debatten zur großen Rezession, wobei wir eine breite Definition öffentlicher Debatten verwenden, die sowohl eine diskursive Dimension (Sprachakte) als auch eine Verhaltensdimension (kollektive Mobilisierung) abdeckt. Die Untersuchung verwendet einen weiten Blickwinkel, der nicht nur Länder einschließt, die unter der Krise gelitten haben, sondern auch Länder, die zum Teil von ihr verschont geblieben sind. Diese Länder sind Frankreich, Deutschland, Griechenland, Italien, Polen, Spanien, die Schweiz und Großbritannien.
The economic crisis that started in 2008 has negatively affected European nations to different degrees. The sudden rise in demonstrations particularly in those countries most hard hit by the crisis suggests that grievance theories, dismissed in favour of resource-based models since the 1970s, might have a role to play in explaining protest behaviour. While most previous studies have tested these theories at the individual or contextual levels, it is likely that mechanisms at both levels are interrelated. To fill this lacuna, this article examines the ways in which individual-level grievances interact with macro-level factors to impact on protest behaviour. In particular, it examines whether the impact of individual subjective feelings of deprivation is conditional on contextual macroeconomic and policy factors. It is found that while individual-level relative deprivation has a direct effect on the propensity to have protested in the last year, this effect is greater under certain macroeconomic and political conditions. Both significant results for the cross-level interactions are interpreted in terms of their role for opening up political opportunities for protest among those who feel they have been most deprived in the current crisis. These findings suggest that the interaction of the contextual and individual levels should continue to be explored in future studies in order to further clarify the mechanisms underlying protest behaviour.
This book examines patterns of political engagement of long-term unemployed youth. The authors show how unemployment affects the personal, social, and political life of young people. Focusing on the case of Geneva in Switzerland, the study shows the importance of socioeconomic, relational, psychological, and institutional resources for the political engagement of unemployed youth. The book shows specifically how the relationship between unemployment and the political engagement of unemployed youth is mediated by a number of factors: their socioeconomic status and more generally their individual background, their level of deprivation and the associated degree of subjective well-being; the social capital that unemployed youth draw from involvement in voluntary associations and interpersonal networks and relations, and the political learning stemming from interactions with welfare institutions and their perception of such interactions. Students and scholars in areas including Sociology, Political Science, Economics, Youth Studies and Social Policy will find this study of interest.
