This article attempts to show that from 12 December 2016, WTO Members can no longer use the analogue country or similar methodologies as the basis for normal value calculations in anti-dumping proceedings targeting China and should rather use Chinese domestic prices or costs. However, contrary to what some would like decision-makers to believe, this does not mean that the EU or other WTO Members will have no defence against genuine Chinese dumping practices. Other provisions in either the ADA or the SCM Agreement offer sufficient guarantees against that. Furthermore, our assessment of the manner in which the Commission has conducted MES reviews casts doubt on the quality of the evidentiary base used, on the apparent willingness to give some trading partners the benefit of the doubt but not to others, and on the utility of the review process as a lever to encourage reforms in transition economies, such as China.
Wie bereitet man Manager auf die Anforderungen einer VUCA-Welt vor? Was muss sich aufgrund steigender Komplexität und Unsicherheit ändern an der Art und Weise, wie wir Studierende und Praktiker für ihre Arbeit qualifizieren? Wie trainiert man dabei Fertigkeiten wie Resilienz, Agilität oder Empathie und was können Manager dabei von Informatikern lernen?
This special issue focuses on the difficulties of negotiating the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), with contributions by scholars from different perspectives. This introductory article briefly examines the trend to mega-FTAs of which TTIP is a leading example. It then reviews the contributions to this special issue, drawing on an analytical approach that reflects extant work on transnational and transgovernmental relations. This approach, we contend, helps to understand the stark mismatch between the desire of some parties to negotiate binding trade rules on behind-the-border regulatory policies in certain key sectors of national economies and the progress made in TTIP talks. We then highlight the significance of some key actors in a case study of failed E.U. attempts to include financial sector reforms and associated regulatory processes in TTIP.
The creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995 was a landmark in the development of the liberal international economic order. Yet the global economic crisis of 2008 put the spotlight on the longstanding question whether WTO membership limited the policy choices of governments coping with distress. This Special Issue of Business and Politics uses the crisis as a “stress test” for evaluating the prominent thesis that multilateral trade rules presently impose sharp limits on national industrial policies. The evidence from a wide range of sectoral and national contexts suggests that the WTO’s ability to con- strain member governments’ use of industrial policy is highly exaggerated. As we argue in this introductory essay, and as the studies in this Issue show, assertions of the WTO’s strength do not reflect the incomplete and contested nature of its accords and the imperatives of policymaking in an era when many governments simultaneously intervene in national economies.
This paper critically evaluates the contention that the implementation of the Trans-Pacific Partnership would adversely affect the centrality of the World Trade Organization. Not only are many Asian nations members of the WTO, but some undertook major reforms to join. Contrary to much existing literature, it is argued here that governments in the Asia-Pacific region should not be alarmed by the fate of this mega-regional trade deal.
This article documents and examines the implications of the European Union’s failure to persuade the United States to include financial services regulation in the negotiation of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership.
During the past seven years, Swiss-EU economic relations have deteriorated, with the vote by the Swiss people in 2014 in favor of immigration limits bringing matters to a head. Using the latest available data on the financial performance of US multinationals operating across Europe, this paper estimates how large the revenue and cost shocks that could follow a rupture of Swiss-EU relations would need to be to alter return on investment calculations enough so as to possibly induce multinationals to relocate to other European locations. Of Switzerland’s immediate neighbors, only Austria poses a potential threat in this regard. Excluding Europe’s periphery, returns on US assets invested in the Netherlands fall just short of those in Switzerland.
Since the onset of the global economic crisis, on no occasion have the European Commission or European Union member state governments singled out Swiss commercial interests for discriminatory treatment. Even so, 200 official acts taken across the EU since November 2008 have caused collateral damage to Swiss commercial interests, three-quarters of which are still in force. Swiss exports worth more than 17 billion francs face one or more crisis-era trade distortion. However, inferred trade cost data reveal that Swiss commercial interests have been discriminated against more than other major suppliers to EU markets in only three member states.
