Since the 2000s, facing the increasing globalization and commodification of common-pool resources, community-based organizations managing water and forests at the local scale started to create transnational networks. Their main goal is to get a direct representation in international decision-making arenas, as to promote their model of community-based governance and transform existing norms. Two main strategies to impact the norm-building process are the reframing of the resources essence (from market goods to human rights or commons…) and the claim on appropriate scales of governance for these resources (local, regional, global…). In this global context, to what extent the reframing of water and forests essence by transnational community-based networks impacts their respective scales of governance? The paper aims to answer this interrogation using transnational political sociology and discourse analysis. The analysis relies on two case studies: the Latin-American Confederation of Community Organizations for Water Services and Sanitation (CLOCSAS), and the Mesoamerican Alliance of Peoples and Forests (AMPB). From one side, CLOCSAS is framing water as a global common and a universal human right, in order to become an alternative international expert on water issues. Distinctively, AMPB is framing forests as collective territorial rights, in order to differentiate from technical international experts, such as UN-REDD. Finally, the objective of this paper is to highlight the influence of framing strategies, used by transnational community-based networks, on the definition of what are the appropriate scales of governance for common-pool resources.
L'bjectif du projet était de parvenir à une meilleure compréhension de la pratique du dialogue social entre travailleurs, employeurs et états. Il s'agissait d'une part d'identifier les diverses façons dont ce dialogue est mis en en oeuvre et d'autre part de caractériser les facteurs structurels qui peuvent le favoriser ou on contraire le restreindre, et d'étudier les avantages socio-économiques que peut apporter une régulation négociée. Le projet visait à exploiter trois sources d'information: 1) Les rapports du CEACR (Committee of Expert on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations) de 1990 à 2002, 2) des données essentiellement quantitatives sur la situation effective en 1990 et 2000 collectées par le biais d'experts des pays analysés, et finalement 3) des informations plus qualitatives mais aussi plus détaillées pour un choix de quelques pays.
The thesis examines to what extend the European integration has driven the Airbus programme. Political and industrial stakeholders have often associated both in their discourses. A combined historical and social science approach determines the actual relationships in a Strategic Trade Policies perspective as defined by Paul Krugman. Despite their references to "Europe" the national policymakers havealways rejected any supranational domination of the programme. In practice they have nonetheless included static and dynamic gains such as synergies resulting from European science and technology initiatives, research programmes and Brussels-led negotiations into their decision-makings. The factors have shaped the Airbus venture. A first was the capacity of the state and industrial actors to anticipate world aerospace market trends and moves by the competitors. Permanent technological innovation has been the second. In the foreseeable future the technological leadership of Airbus remains unquestioned. Limited resources and changing geopolitics may prove challenges in the long-term.
This dissertation theoretically examines the variance of cooperation mechanisms in the decision-making process of the EU. I introduce a costs framework of typological conditions of interdependency – the balance between costs of preserving sovereignty rights and enhancing the decisiveness of the regional group – in order to examine the incentives of the member states of the EU to choose different strategic mechanisms with a view to maximize the utility from their interdependence. I develop deductive models that account for four strategies of cooperation (bargaining, coalition formation, regulatory management and judicial conflict-resolution) and derive analytical implications about their differential effect on the coordination of national policies at the regional level. My findings specify which strategy is likely to be used by the European states for the resolution of problems of distribution, redistribution, regulation and enforcement, and why the direction of policy coordination derived from the strategic behavior will be either centralized or decentralized.
El objetivo general de este análisis es evaluar a políticas públicas existentes de prevención y manejo de conflictos entorno al agua desarrolladas por el Estado peruano. Esta evaluación nos permitirá identificar las limitaciones de dichas políticas públicas y hacer propuestas desde lo local para una gestión social del agua. Para cumplir con este objetivo, efectuaremos un estudio de tres casos de conflictos elegidos para entender los comportamientos de actores claves que son el Estado, las empresas mineras y las comunidades en el tema de la gestión de los conflictos por el agua. Además, hemos desarrollado tres hipótesis que queremos verificar en este estudio: 1. El contexto de cambio climático y de vulnerabilidad social en el Perú exacerban los conflictos por el agua, y por eso necesitan ser prioridades del Estado. 2. Las inadecuadas políticas públicas de prevención y gestión de conflictos por el agua generan efectos perversos que no permiten una salida de aquellos. 3. La reforma de las estructuras sociales constituye un punto esencial de prevención y manejo de los conflictos por el agua en un contexto de cambio climático. El objetivo más preciso de nuestro estudio es identificar los bloqueos estructurales de la sociedad peruana para insistir en la necesidad de impulsar reformas de fondo por parte del Estado, en condiciones de prevenir o resolver conflictos socio-ambientales.
This paper investigates the evolution of the interest groups system in Denmark and Switzerland. Denmark is an emblematic example of social corporatism, while Switzerland is a paradigmatic case of liberal corporatism. However, neo-corporatist arrangements are put under strong and cumulative pressures in both countries, for instance through Europeanization, party polarization, mediatization, revalorization of the Parliament, "pluralization" of interest representation, etc. As similar external factors have impacted the two different interest groups systems, one might wonder if the transformation of corporatism in Denmark and Switzerland leads towards a new and common form of interest group system. The paper analyze the presence of interest groups, in the two major venues of the legislative process (administrative and parliamentary venues), and ask if we observe a decline in the role of corporatist interest groups. Can we observe a trend toward “parliamentary corporatism”, marked by increasing involvement of corporatist actors in the parliamentary venue and declining presence in the traditional corporatist administrative venue? To address these research questions, a longitudinal study will compare which interest groups had privileged access in the decade 1975-1985 versus in 2010. In the administrative venue, we look at seats in public committees. In the parliamentary venue, we measure another indicator of privileged access, namely the number of interest groups to which an MP is affiliated (as simple member, board member or paid official) in 1985 and in 2010. The proposed combination of longitudinal, cross-sectional and cross-country comparisons aims at systematically mapping and comparing two national interest groups systems. This approach is innovative as comparative studies are not so numerous (page 3 and 4 of workshop call). Last but not least, the proposed paper lies at the crossroad of the literature on national interest groups system, and the neo-corporatist theory as developed by Schmitter and Streeck.
Après des décennies durant lesquelles la chape de plomb de la pensée néolibérale a étouffé la pensée critique, il semble que les théories alternatives (et critiques) fassent leur retour, certes timide, dans le monde académique. Stimulées par les diverses contestations de l'ordre établi, la littérature en sciences sociales, notamment en géographie, compte toujours plus de recherches et de réflexions sur les alternatives politiques. Discuter de projets de transition, notamment dans le cadre de la crise écologique (e.g.: vers une société post-carbone) (re)devient possible. La contrepartie de ces contributions multiples est l'éclatement inévitable des cadres d'analyse, ce qui introduit beaucoup de confusion. Pourtant, la poursuite d'un projet politique qui inclut des dimensions analytiques et donc des pratiques scientifiques suppose la clarification des concepts et des théories qu'il recouvre. Cet article découle d'une recherche en cours sur les stratégies syndicales en matière de changement climatique. Néanmoins, nous profitons de celle-ci pour traiter de problèmes conceptuels plus fondamentaux. Le présent article tente d'évaluer les apports récents de la dite « géographie ouvrière » (labor/labour geography), issue de la géographie radicale anglo-saxonne. Nous nous reconnaissons dans cette riche tradition scientifique et dans son origine marxiste. Notre propos est de contribuer à l'intégration et au développement de la théorie de la valeur dans la géographie radicale. Nous commençons par présenter brièvement le champ de la géographie ouvrière anglo-saxonne, et en soulignons des aspects problématiques ou contradictoires. Puis nous proposons une conceptualisation alternative, fondée notamment sur l'approche stratégique-relationnelle, que nous appliquons enfin aux stratégies syndicales internationales en matière de changement climatique.
This study aims at identifying the organisational antecedents of public service motivation (PSM). It focuses on human resources management (HRM) practices as one category of organisational factors that impact on PSM. Concretely, this research questions how intrinsic and extrinsic HRM practices are related to PSM and whether these relationships are direct or mediated by person-organisation (P-O) fit. The empirical findings are based on a survey of 6,885 civil servants working in Switzerland. Regression analyses highlight that intrinsic HRM practices are positively related to PSM, whereas extrinsic ones are negatively related to PSM. Furthermore, mediation tests shows that only the intrinsic HRM practices are mediated by PO fit. Thus, civil servants who value intrinsic work incentives maintain a high PSM level when they perceive congruence between their individual expectations and the values of their organisation.
Policy actors tend to misinterpret and distrust opponents in policy processes. This phenomenon, known as the “devil shift”, consists of the following two dimensions: actors perceive opponents as more powerful and as more evil than they really are. Analysing nine policy processes in Switzerland, this article highlights the drivers of the devil shift at two levels. On the actor level, interest groups, political parties and powerful actors suffer more from the devil shift than state actors and powerless actors. On the process level, the devil shift is stronger in policy processes dealing with socio-economic issues as compared with other issues. Finally, and in line with previous studies, there is less empirical evidence of the power dimension of the devil shift phenomenon than of its evilness dimension.
This article analyzes whether and to what extent the policy environment of civil servants has an impact on their level of Public Service Motivation (PSM). It hypothesizes that public employees working in different policy domains and stages of the policy cycle are diversely motivated by four PSM orientations (Compassion, Commitment to the public interest, Self-sacrifice and Attraction to politics). The empirical results are based on a survey of 6885 Swiss civil servants. They show that those in charge of Welfare State policies are inclined to have higher levels of ‘Compassion’, whereas those performing core state functions report lower levels. Furthermore, employees whose main tasks are related to policy formulation display high levels of the ‘Attraction to politics’ dimension of PSM. This study questions the generalization of previous findings on PSM that are based on heterogeneous survey populations.
