El objetivo general de este análisis es evaluar a políticas públicas existentes de prevención y manejo de conflictos entorno al agua desarrolladas por el Estado peruano. Esta evaluación nos permitirá identificar las limitaciones de dichas políticas públicas y hacer propuestas desde lo local para una gestión social del agua. Para cumplir con este objetivo, efectuaremos un estudio de tres casos de conflictos elegidos para entender los comportamientos de actores claves que son el Estado, las empresas mineras y las comunidades en el tema de la gestión de los conflictos por el agua. Además, hemos desarrollado tres hipótesis que queremos verificar en este estudio: 1. El contexto de cambio climático y de vulnerabilidad social en el Perú exacerban los conflictos por el agua, y por eso necesitan ser prioridades del Estado. 2. Las inadecuadas políticas públicas de prevención y gestión de conflictos por el agua generan efectos perversos que no permiten una salida de aquellos. 3. La reforma de las estructuras sociales constituye un punto esencial de prevención y manejo de los conflictos por el agua en un contexto de cambio climático. El objetivo más preciso de nuestro estudio es identificar los bloqueos estructurales de la sociedad peruana para insistir en la necesidad de impulsar reformas de fondo por parte del Estado, en condiciones de prevenir o resolver conflictos socio-ambientales.
This paper investigates the evolution of the interest groups system in Denmark and Switzerland. Denmark is an emblematic example of social corporatism, while Switzerland is a paradigmatic case of liberal corporatism. However, neo-corporatist arrangements are put under strong and cumulative pressures in both countries, for instance through Europeanization, party polarization, mediatization, revalorization of the Parliament, "pluralization" of interest representation, etc. As similar external factors have impacted the two different interest groups systems, one might wonder if the transformation of corporatism in Denmark and Switzerland leads towards a new and common form of interest group system. The paper analyze the presence of interest groups, in the two major venues of the legislative process (administrative and parliamentary venues), and ask if we observe a decline in the role of corporatist interest groups. Can we observe a trend toward “parliamentary corporatism”, marked by increasing involvement of corporatist actors in the parliamentary venue and declining presence in the traditional corporatist administrative venue? To address these research questions, a longitudinal study will compare which interest groups had privileged access in the decade 1975-1985 versus in 2010. In the administrative venue, we look at seats in public committees. In the parliamentary venue, we measure another indicator of privileged access, namely the number of interest groups to which an MP is affiliated (as simple member, board member or paid official) in 1985 and in 2010. The proposed combination of longitudinal, cross-sectional and cross-country comparisons aims at systematically mapping and comparing two national interest groups systems. This approach is innovative as comparative studies are not so numerous (page 3 and 4 of workshop call). Last but not least, the proposed paper lies at the crossroad of the literature on national interest groups system, and the neo-corporatist theory as developed by Schmitter and Streeck.
Après des décennies durant lesquelles la chape de plomb de la pensée néolibérale a étouffé la pensée critique, il semble que les théories alternatives (et critiques) fassent leur retour, certes timide, dans le monde académique. Stimulées par les diverses contestations de l'ordre établi, la littérature en sciences sociales, notamment en géographie, compte toujours plus de recherches et de réflexions sur les alternatives politiques. Discuter de projets de transition, notamment dans le cadre de la crise écologique (e.g.: vers une société post-carbone) (re)devient possible. La contrepartie de ces contributions multiples est l'éclatement inévitable des cadres d'analyse, ce qui introduit beaucoup de confusion. Pourtant, la poursuite d'un projet politique qui inclut des dimensions analytiques et donc des pratiques scientifiques suppose la clarification des concepts et des théories qu'il recouvre. Cet article découle d'une recherche en cours sur les stratégies syndicales en matière de changement climatique. Néanmoins, nous profitons de celle-ci pour traiter de problèmes conceptuels plus fondamentaux. Le présent article tente d'évaluer les apports récents de la dite « géographie ouvrière » (labor/labour geography), issue de la géographie radicale anglo-saxonne. Nous nous reconnaissons dans cette riche tradition scientifique et dans son origine marxiste. Notre propos est de contribuer à l'intégration et au développement de la théorie de la valeur dans la géographie radicale. Nous commençons par présenter brièvement le champ de la géographie ouvrière anglo-saxonne, et en soulignons des aspects problématiques ou contradictoires. Puis nous proposons une conceptualisation alternative, fondée notamment sur l'approche stratégique-relationnelle, que nous appliquons enfin aux stratégies syndicales internationales en matière de changement climatique.
This study aims at identifying the organisational antecedents of public service motivation (PSM). It focuses on human resources management (HRM) practices as one category of organisational factors that impact on PSM. Concretely, this research questions how intrinsic and extrinsic HRM practices are related to PSM and whether these relationships are direct or mediated by person-organisation (P-O) fit. The empirical findings are based on a survey of 6,885 civil servants working in Switzerland. Regression analyses highlight that intrinsic HRM practices are positively related to PSM, whereas extrinsic ones are negatively related to PSM. Furthermore, mediation tests shows that only the intrinsic HRM practices are mediated by PO fit. Thus, civil servants who value intrinsic work incentives maintain a high PSM level when they perceive congruence between their individual expectations and the values of their organisation.
Policy actors tend to misinterpret and distrust opponents in policy processes. This phenomenon, known as the “devil shift”, consists of the following two dimensions: actors perceive opponents as more powerful and as more evil than they really are. Analysing nine policy processes in Switzerland, this article highlights the drivers of the devil shift at two levels. On the actor level, interest groups, political parties and powerful actors suffer more from the devil shift than state actors and powerless actors. On the process level, the devil shift is stronger in policy processes dealing with socio-economic issues as compared with other issues. Finally, and in line with previous studies, there is less empirical evidence of the power dimension of the devil shift phenomenon than of its evilness dimension.
This article analyzes whether and to what extent the policy environment of civil servants has an impact on their level of Public Service Motivation (PSM). It hypothesizes that public employees working in different policy domains and stages of the policy cycle are diversely motivated by four PSM orientations (Compassion, Commitment to the public interest, Self-sacrifice and Attraction to politics). The empirical results are based on a survey of 6885 Swiss civil servants. They show that those in charge of Welfare State policies are inclined to have higher levels of ‘Compassion’, whereas those performing core state functions report lower levels. Furthermore, employees whose main tasks are related to policy formulation display high levels of the ‘Attraction to politics’ dimension of PSM. This study questions the generalization of previous findings on PSM that are based on heterogeneous survey populations.
Cet ouvrage invite le lecteur à un parcours réflexif au moyen de différents exemples et analyse de récents processus de réforme de l’administration publique en Belgique, au Canada et en Suisse afin d’amener progressivement le lecteur à appréhender l’administration non plus seulement comme une " institution ", ce qui implique qu’elle ne soit pas considérée comme universelle, mais comme un produit de l’histoire et de la société. Plus fondamentalement, il invite le lecteur à appréhender l’administration publique comme une " organisation ", c’est-à-dire en prenant en compte l’ensemble des relations formelles et informelles qui y prennent place. Ainsi, l’administration ne serait pas cet ensemble froid d’institutions et de structures chargé de l’exécution des décisions publiques. Bien au contraire, l’administration se révèle, au fil des chapitres, en perpétuelle interaction avec tous les acteurs de l’action publique. Elle apparaît, de la sorte, non plus comme un acteur neutre, objectif, voire passif, mais bel et bien comme un " instrument " participant tout autant que les " citoyens-consommateurs " à la définition de l’action publique. Présentée de cette manière, l’étude de l’administration, de ses mutations et de ses innovations, devient un moyen d’appréhender les transformations actuelles des sociétés occidentales.
Il s'agit de rendre compte de l'originalité de la politique suisse en matière de négociation de la paix. L'exemple ici retenu est le règlement du conflit algérien qui donne lieu à un fort investissement de la Suisse dans le double registre de la diplomatie privée et de la diplomatie publique. Cet article rend compte des forces de cette logique d'action diplomatique que lui confère le statut d'Etat neutre dans un des conflits les plus meurtriers de la décolonisation française
Barrie Thorne – who was until recently Professor and Acting Chair of Gender and Women's Studies and Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Berkeley – has been active in the collective effort to bring feminism into the US academic world. She has fought relentlessly for over 40 years to promote women and gender studies in higher education. This creative sociologist is also a much appreciated teacher and mentor. Laurence Bachmann interviewed her on campus in February 2012, a few months before she retired.
Global forest governance is generally analysed as highly fragmented, meaning that it involves a multiplicity of actors and institutions. However, some norms and discourses around global forest governance have gained more influence in the international arena. One major example is the REDD+ program implemented by the UN to reduce carbon emissions resulting from deforestation, with the end to fight climate change. This program is mainly focused on a market-based approach and a distributive conception of equity. Facing these new global pressures, community forestry organizations in the Mesoamerican region are seeking, through the creation of transnational networks, to promote alternative norms around their own model of governance. They are especially fighting for their right to participate in decision-making processes, as equal partners of both the UN and nation-states. Based on a transnational political sociology perspective and on discourse analysis, this paper aims to capture the mechanisms through which transnational community-based networks transform global norms of forest governance. The argument will be driven through an empirical case study of one particular actor, the Mesoamerican Alliance of Peoples and Forests (AMPB). Three mechanisms will be analysed: the construction of a transnational identity around territorial authorities inside of the network, and the territorialisation of global forest governance arenas, through indigenous rights' prioritisation and the establishment of strategic alliances with decisive international actors. Finally, the major contribution of this paper is to question the traditional approaches of international relations, which overlook the capacity of community organizations to transform their own nature, and key global norms of governance.
