infonet-economy

Cette contribution a pour objectif d’étudier les processus de transfert de politiques publiques dans le champ du développement et de la lutte contre la pauvreté. À travers l’étude des Conditional Cash Transfers aux Philippines, nous tenterons de montrer comment cette politique, née dans les années 1990 en Amérique latine, a été mise à l’agenda du gouvernement philippin. Nous décrirons notamment quels rôles ont joué les Organisations internationales (OIS), et particulièrement la Banque mondiale, dans ces processus de transfert. Pour ce faire, nous soulignerons son rôle d’entrepreneur d’idées/normes ainsi que sa capacité de mise en réseau à travers le recours à des experts internationaux, favorisant des processus de lesson-drawing. Plus précisément, sur la base de notre travail de terrain, nous mettrons en avant l’importance des conférences, workshops et visites de terrain des « best cases », organisés par les OIS dans la légitimation de nouvelles politiques. Nos conclusions soulignent la transnationalisation des processus des processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques et la centralité des OIS dans celle-ci.

This paper develops an analytical approach to comparative political economy that focuses on the relative importance of different components of aggregate demand—in the first instance, exports and household consumption—and dynamic relations among the “demand drivers” of growth. We illustrate this approach by comparing patterns of economic growth in Germany, Italy, Sweden and the UK over the period 1994-2007. Our discussion emphasizes that export-led growth and consumption-led growth have different implications for distributive conflict.

Philosophical reflection on racial profiling tends to take one of two forms. The first sees it as an example of ‘statistical discrimination,’ (SD), raising the question of when, if ever, probabilistic generalisations about group behaviour or characteristics can be used to judge particular individuals.(Applbaum 2014; Harcourt 2004; Hellman, 2014; Risse and Zeckhauser 2004; Risse 2007; Lippert-Rasmussen 2006; Lippert-Rasmussen 2007; Lippert-Rasmussen 2014) . This approach treats racial profiling as one example amongst many others of a general problem in egalitarian political philosophy, occasioned by the fact that treating people as equals does not always require, or permit, us to treat them the same. The second form is concerned with how racial profiling illuminates the nature, justification, and reproduction of hierarchies of power and privilege based on skin colour and morphology. This form of reflection on racial profiling is therefore less about the justification for judging people based on the characteristics of the group to which they (appear to) belong, and more concerned with the specific ways in which the association of racialized minorities – and, in particular, black people – with crime, contributes to, and reflects, racial inequality, and oppression.(Kennedy 1998; Zack, 2015; Lever, 2005; Lever 2007). Both approaches to profiling have much to recommend them and, taken together, they form an essential component of the political philosophy of race. The statistical approach has the merits of linking racial profiling, as practice, to a body of other practices that generate and justify inequalities based on factors other than race, but it typically offers little by way of insight into the role of racial profiling itself in sustaining racial inequality and injustice. The racial construction approach, for obvious reasons, is rather better at the latter task, but its insights 2 tend to come at the price of a broader understanding of the ways in which inequality is reproduced and justified, or of the ethical dilemmas raised by our competing claims to security. As we will see, insights from both approaches can be synthesized to clarify what, if anything, is wrong with racial profiling and what broader conclusions for equality and security follow from the study of profiling.

This paper looks at the determinants of the political participation of Muslims. We assess the impact of associational involvement on their overall political participation and their involvement in protest activities. We do so using original survey data consisting of a random sample of Muslim residents in Switzerland. Our analysis provides support to the argument that associational involvement is a strong predictor of political participation. The findings suggest that Muslims involved in cross-ethnic organisations are more likely to engage in politics. This holds for the overall political participation and for engagement in protest activities. In terms of social capital theory, our findings confirm that bridging social capital is as crucial when it comes to explaining the political participation of Muslims as it is when dealing with migrants in general. However, we also observe a positive impact of the involvement in religious associations. We interpret this effect as an indication that bonding social capital plays a role in the political participation of ethno-religious minorities, but one based on a religious rather than an ethnic cleavage. Future research should pay more attention to this relationship.

Au-delà de la prise de conscience de protéger les réseaux matériels et immatériels fait jour le débat sur la nécessité de mieux les séparer les uns des autres. Déjà certains pays cherchent à produire des internet locaux autonomes pour réduire la menace extérieure du hackage et d’espionnage. En matière de sécurisation fait jour aujourd’hui un imaginaire stratégique que l’on pourrait qualifier de «desemmêlage » ou de « dégroupage » des réseaux pour éviter « l’effet papillon ». Déceler et limiter les interactions fonctionnelles et interdépendances spatiales entre les infrastructures critiques devrait permettre de stopper toute dynamique de crise. Ce nouvel imaginaire est corolaire de celui de l’inclusion sociale, constitutif de la théorie des systèmes sociaux (Luhmann, Systèmes sociaux, 2011).

Dès les premiers efforts de politisation des questions environnementales à l’international dans les années 1960 puis 1970, les Etats se sont divisés entre pays développés au Nord et pays en développement au Sud. Ces oppositions se retrouvent aujourd'hui dans les positions officielles des Etats membres au Conseil de sécurité, qui a discuté des implications sécuritaires du changement climatique à trois reprises depuis 2007. Or ce cas tend précisément à mettre en évidence la fragilité des alliances interétatiques classiques : l’introduction du changement climatique dans l’agenda du Conseil illustre ainsi une forme de reconfiguration du débat Nord-Sud.