Publié au début des années 1950, La Crise de la culture est un ouvrage majeur de la philosophe allemande. Au-delà des "enjeux de l'usure de la tradition" à laquelle elle fait ici référence, son interrogation sur la société de masse théorisée depuis l'analyse du totalitarisme trouve un écho particulièrement fort dans sa critique de la culture de masse assimilée à une aliénation contemporaine . Penser la culture devient pour elle une nécessité pour redéfinir un espace public cohérent propre à l'épanouissement de chacun. Dans cet exposé, il s'agira de s'attacher à comprendre le raisonnement d'Hannah Arendt sur la condamnation de la culture de masse et de s'interroger sur ses capacités à bâtir une théorie politique démocratique et égalitaire de la culture pour tous.
The present thesis examines the question of electoral system choice by means of a crisp-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The thesis argues for the development of a configurational comparative research strategy, making use of both qualitative and quantitative methods, in order to explain the relative influence of potentially causal explanatory factors. The study privileges the assessment of multiple conjunctural causation and causal asymmetry in leading to the adoption of proportionally representative electoral systems and the retention of majoritarian electoral systems.
Cet article rend compte de l'histoire de la guerre d'Algérie depuis les "évènements d'Algérie" jusqu'à la bataille d'Alger. Il rend compte des différents contextes politiques ayant présidé à la rupture de la paix civile et aux engagement militaires contre-insurectionnels.
This chapter argues that the electoral competition between the New Left and the Radical Right is best understood as a cultural divide anchored in different class constituencies. Based on individual-level data from the European Social Survey, we analyze the links between voters' class position, their economic and cultural preferences and their party choice for four small and affluent European countries. We find a striking similarity in the class pattern across countries. Everywhere, the New Left attracts disproportionate support from socio-cultural professionals and presents a clear-cut middle-class profile, whereas the Radical Right is most successful among production and service workers and receives least support from professionals. In general, the Radical Right depends on the votes of lowereducated men and older citizens and has turned into a new type of working-class party. However, its success within the working-class is not due to economic, but to cultural issues. The voters of the Radical Right collide with those of the New Left over a cultural conflict of identity and community – and not over questions of redistribution. A full-grown cleavage has thus emerged in the four countries under study, separating a libertarianuniversalistic pole from an authoritarian-communitarian pole and going along with a process of class realignment.
