Switzerland is unique in its reluctance to join the EU. Indeed, all governments and parliaments in Europe have at least once in their history sought to become a member. This is not the case for Switzerland, which has never started accession negotiations and does not intend to do so soon. Currently the debate is between supporters of maintaining bilateral agreements with the EU and rejectionists who are even ready to give it up. Thus, paradoxically, the British Eurosceptics, who modeled the bilateral agreements between Switzerland and Switzerland, would appear in Switzerland as integrators. To clarify this very particular case, this chapter is based on an analysis grid composed of several levels of explanations (historical, political and economic). The results obtained show that the political theories of euroscepticism are not sufficiently developed to explain this Swiss phenomenon.
This chapter applies the methodological tools of formal social network analysis tbNelË illustraæ the mdtifk functions currently performed by puUiic aàmi*stration(s) in steering public policy.
Come già accennato nell’introduzione di questo libro, è possibile distinguere almeno tre dimensioni della professionalizzazione politica, in particolare quella individuale, quella che tiene conto delle funzioni politiche e, infine, quella che concerne le istituzioni politiche. Questo capitolo intende illustrare più precisamente se e come le due ultime dimensioni hanno potuto svilupparsi anche per quel che concerne il Parlamento svizzero che, poggiando sul principio di milizia, è storicamente un legislativo poco o per niente professionalizzato. Il capitolo si compone di quattro parti. In primo luogo, faremo un breve excursus storico per presentare le origini del Parlamento federale e comprenderne i tratti distintivi fondamentali che lo caratterizzano ancora oggi. In secondo luogo, presenteremo i due progetti di riforma che, a partire dagli anni ’70, hanno affrontato la questione della professionalizzazione parlamentare in Svizzera. In terzo luogo, mostreremo come l’indennizzo del lavoro dei parlamentari – elemento chiave di ogni professionalizzazione – si è sviluppato in Svizzera. Con l’aiuto dei risultati di una recente inchiesta illustreremo pure il giudizio che gli stessi parlamentari federali eletti danno del sistema di indennizzo attuale. Infine, analizzeremo l’evoluzione nel tempo del volume di lavoro e di tempo consacrato dai parlamentari svizzeri al loro mandato.
Il s'agit de s'interroger sur la vision aménagiste du Président Georges Pompidou afin de percevoir les conditions élémentaires à réunir pour faire de l'urbanisme le territoire du bonheur des français. Comment le bonheur pompidolien pourrait-il être appréhendé dans une triple logique des modalités de contestation bonheur des années cinquante, des nouvelles aspirations émergentes par l'urbanisme, et enfin des modalités du bonheur pompidolien.
En avril 2002, après 27 années de guerre civile, l'Angola est officiellement « entré en paix » suite à la défaite militaire du principal mouvement rebelle, l'Unita, et à la mort de son leader historique Jonas Savimbi. En septembre 2008, des élections législatives, les premières depuis 1992 et les deuxièmes que le pays ait jamais connues, sont censées consacrer la « normalisation » du pays et sa transition démocratique. Alors que les tentatives précédentes de sortie de conflit s'étaient soldées par de retentissants échecs, la paix semble cette fois bien installée. Pourtant, la transition « à l'angolaise » n'est pas sans ambiguïtés, limites ni contradictions. Ce dossier en analyse les principaux ressorts, et montre comment le MPLA, au faîte de sa puissance politique et économique grâce à sa victoire militaire et à un boom économique sans précédent soutenu par les ressources pétrolières du pays, a fait main basse sur une transition qui a tout de la « reconversion autoritaire ».
Stakeholder theory highlights that a CEO must perform a social responsibility towards multiple stakeholders (employees, politicians, journalists, citizens, etc). These stakeholders constitute a political system and the CEO develops a political strategy to deal with the claims of the different actors. This article mobilizes social network analysis and the complex networks theory to build a dynamic theory of stakeholders’ networks. To varying degrees corporate leaders are embedded in a network of stakeholders, and this network is subject to systemic shocks that can be random or intentionally provoked by the CEO. This framework is used to analyze the evolution of the employment relationship during an industrial restructuring. The employment contract is not limited to a relationship between an employer and an employee. Rather this relationship is embedded in a network that may involve several stakeholders. The strategic decision to downsize an organization in response to a systemic shock destabilizes the network of stakeholders and leads the CEO to define a political strategy to manage the layoff crisis.
En avril 2002, après 27 années de guerre civile, l'Angola est officiellement « entré en paix » suite à la défaite militaire du principal mouvement rebelle, l'Unita, et à la mort de son leader historique Jonas Savimbi. En septembre 2008, des élections législatives, les premières depuis 1992 et les deuxièmes que le pays ait jamais connues, sont censées consacrer la « normalisation » du pays et sa transition démocratique. Alors que les tentatives précédentes de sortie de conflit s'étaient soldées par de retentissants échecs, la paix semble cette fois bien installée. Pourtant, la transition « à l'angolaise » n'est pas sans ambiguïtés, limites ni contradictions. Ce dossier en analyse les principaux ressorts, et montre comment le MPLA, au faîte de sa puissance politique et économique grâce à sa victoire militaire et à un boom économique sans précédent soutenu par les ressources pétrolières du pays, a fait main basse sur une transition qui a tout de la « reconversion autoritaire ».
How to live in a better world? How to get out of Hell (war, poverty, nature destruction)? To produce a better world implies, as any production, a production cost and therefore to produce a better world implies a specific cost that can be called a moral cost. Indeed the very structure of moral discourse has much to do with the economic semantics. However whereas a fair economy tries to supply benefit for all (in a win-win game), there are some situations where such a mutually advantageous structure is not possible. It is such situations that the paper aims to grasp in particular with the help of the lifeboat thought -experiment. In these situations we are facing the necessity of sacrifice, either sacrifice of others, or self-sacrifice. The paper will also show that the notion of self-sacrifice is able to reconcile the teleological ethical approach with the deontological one.
