La catastrophe de Mattmark de 1965 a durablement marqué l'histoire migratoire récente de la Suisse. Suite à la chute d'une langue de glacier sur les baraques du chantier de la digue de Mattmark, 88 personnes meurent sur leur lieu de travail. Par la diversité d'origine des victimes, cet événement de portée nationale acquiert une dimension internationale. Il suscite en Suisse et en Europe un débat sur les conditions humaines et sociales des migrations économiques et sur les conditions d'exercice professionnel des migrants. En réalisant cette première étude sociohistorique sur la catastrophe de Mattmark, les auteurs redonnent à cet évènement presque oublié la place centrale qu'il mérite dans l'histoire de la Suisse contemporaine.
Die Mattmark-Katastrophe im Jahr 1965 hat die jüngere Migrationsgeschichte der Schweiz nachhaltig geprägt. Beim Abbruch eines Teils einer Gletscherzunge, der die Baracken der Baustelle des Mattmark-Staudamms unter sich begrub, starben sechsundachtzig Männer und zwei Frauen an ihrem Arbeitsplatz. Durch die vielen verschiedenen Herkunftsländer der Opfer erhielt das Ereignis eine internationale Dimension. In der Schweiz und in Europa führte das Unglück zu einer Debatte über die humanitären und sozialen Begleiterscheinungen der Wirtschaftsmigration, insbesondere über die Arbeitsbedingungen der Migrantinnen und Migranten. Mit dieser ersten soziohistorischen Untersuchung zur Mattmark-Katastrophe wird dem nahezu vergessenen Ereignis der ihm zukommende zentrale Platz in der jüngsten Geschichte der Schweiz eingeräumt. Auteur/Autrice Toni Ricciardi ist Migrationshistoriker und hat sich auf die Geschichte der italienischen Migration in der Schweiz und die italienisch-schweizerischen Beziehungen in diesem Bereich spezialisiert. Sandro Cattacin ist Experte in migrations- und sozialpolitischen Fragen. Rémi Baudouï ist Politologe mit einer Expertise in der Analyse von Risiken.
The study of migration generally refers to immigration. Emigration is usually neglected. This study aims at bringing the attention to one aspect of emigration, namely emigration and diaspora practices. These are developed for different purposes and consist of a heterogeneous assemblage of measures. In common with many other countries, India and Jamaica have both joined these efforts to tackle emigration in specific ways. Instead of looking at these practices through “external” factors, as emphasised by the literature, we use the governmentality approach to highlight how different actors have thought about emigrant and diaspora practices and according to which rationalities they have been enacted. We show that both India and Jamaica problematise emigration in economistic terms, i.e. to contribute to economic development. In this context, diasporas denote only high-qualified emigrants. The results also reveal a topological picture of governmentalities at work: we witness regulatory rationalities in the form of neo-liberalism and welfarism, but also pastoral, disciplinary and sovereign governmentalities operating in the respective Jamaican and Indian settings.
Since the 2000s, local communities responsible for the management of water services have started to organize themselves at higher scales of action, through sub-national and national networks, in order to promote their mode of community-based governance (notably in South America). They are especially seeking to respond both to internal pressures, such as technical or financial difficulties, and external pressures, mainly from States wanting to retake control of water resources in a context of development. This paper aims to analyze the role of these inter-community networks, composed of water community organizations, in the implementation of equitable partnerships with public actors for the management of water services. First, a multi-disciplinary theoretical and conceptual framework on multi-level water governance and scaling-up processes will be presented. Then, based on a comparison between Ecuador and Colombia, the analysis will aim to understand the mediating role played by intercommunity networks in the implementation of equitable partnerships with public actors in two different water governance contexts.
Since the 2000s, facing the increasing globalization and commodification of common-pool resources, community-based organizations managing water and forests at the local scale started to create transnational networks. Their main goal is to get a direct representation in international decision-making arenas, as to promote their model of community-based governance and transform existing norms. Two main strategies to impact the norm-building process are the reframing of the resources essence (from market goods to human rights or commons…) and the claim on appropriate scales of governance for these resources (local, regional, global…). In this global context, to what extent the reframing of water and forests essence by transnational community-based networks impacts their respective scales of governance? The paper aims to answer this interrogation using transnational political sociology and discourse analysis. The analysis relies on two case studies: the Latin-American Confederation of Community Organizations for Water Services and Sanitation (CLOCSAS), and the Mesoamerican Alliance of Peoples and Forests (AMPB). From one side, CLOCSAS is framing water as a global common and a universal human right, in order to become an alternative international expert on water issues. Distinctively, AMPB is framing forests as collective territorial rights, in order to differentiate from technical international experts, such as UN-REDD. Finally, the objective of this paper is to highlight the influence of framing strategies, used by transnational community-based networks, on the definition of what are the appropriate scales of governance for common-pool resources.
L'bjectif du projet était de parvenir à une meilleure compréhension de la pratique du dialogue social entre travailleurs, employeurs et états. Il s'agissait d'une part d'identifier les diverses façons dont ce dialogue est mis en en oeuvre et d'autre part de caractériser les facteurs structurels qui peuvent le favoriser ou on contraire le restreindre, et d'étudier les avantages socio-économiques que peut apporter une régulation négociée. Le projet visait à exploiter trois sources d'information: 1) Les rapports du CEACR (Committee of Expert on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations) de 1990 à 2002, 2) des données essentiellement quantitatives sur la situation effective en 1990 et 2000 collectées par le biais d'experts des pays analysés, et finalement 3) des informations plus qualitatives mais aussi plus détaillées pour un choix de quelques pays.
The thesis examines to what extend the European integration has driven the Airbus programme. Political and industrial stakeholders have often associated both in their discourses. A combined historical and social science approach determines the actual relationships in a Strategic Trade Policies perspective as defined by Paul Krugman. Despite their references to "Europe" the national policymakers havealways rejected any supranational domination of the programme. In practice they have nonetheless included static and dynamic gains such as synergies resulting from European science and technology initiatives, research programmes and Brussels-led negotiations into their decision-makings. The factors have shaped the Airbus venture. A first was the capacity of the state and industrial actors to anticipate world aerospace market trends and moves by the competitors. Permanent technological innovation has been the second. In the foreseeable future the technological leadership of Airbus remains unquestioned. Limited resources and changing geopolitics may prove challenges in the long-term.
This dissertation theoretically examines the variance of cooperation mechanisms in the decision-making process of the EU. I introduce a costs framework of typological conditions of interdependency – the balance between costs of preserving sovereignty rights and enhancing the decisiveness of the regional group – in order to examine the incentives of the member states of the EU to choose different strategic mechanisms with a view to maximize the utility from their interdependence. I develop deductive models that account for four strategies of cooperation (bargaining, coalition formation, regulatory management and judicial conflict-resolution) and derive analytical implications about their differential effect on the coordination of national policies at the regional level. My findings specify which strategy is likely to be used by the European states for the resolution of problems of distribution, redistribution, regulation and enforcement, and why the direction of policy coordination derived from the strategic behavior will be either centralized or decentralized.
El objetivo general de este análisis es evaluar a políticas públicas existentes de prevención y manejo de conflictos entorno al agua desarrolladas por el Estado peruano. Esta evaluación nos permitirá identificar las limitaciones de dichas políticas públicas y hacer propuestas desde lo local para una gestión social del agua. Para cumplir con este objetivo, efectuaremos un estudio de tres casos de conflictos elegidos para entender los comportamientos de actores claves que son el Estado, las empresas mineras y las comunidades en el tema de la gestión de los conflictos por el agua. Además, hemos desarrollado tres hipótesis que queremos verificar en este estudio: 1. El contexto de cambio climático y de vulnerabilidad social en el Perú exacerban los conflictos por el agua, y por eso necesitan ser prioridades del Estado. 2. Las inadecuadas políticas públicas de prevención y gestión de conflictos por el agua generan efectos perversos que no permiten una salida de aquellos. 3. La reforma de las estructuras sociales constituye un punto esencial de prevención y manejo de los conflictos por el agua en un contexto de cambio climático. El objetivo más preciso de nuestro estudio es identificar los bloqueos estructurales de la sociedad peruana para insistir en la necesidad de impulsar reformas de fondo por parte del Estado, en condiciones de prevenir o resolver conflictos socio-ambientales.
This paper investigates the evolution of the interest groups system in Denmark and Switzerland. Denmark is an emblematic example of social corporatism, while Switzerland is a paradigmatic case of liberal corporatism. However, neo-corporatist arrangements are put under strong and cumulative pressures in both countries, for instance through Europeanization, party polarization, mediatization, revalorization of the Parliament, "pluralization" of interest representation, etc. As similar external factors have impacted the two different interest groups systems, one might wonder if the transformation of corporatism in Denmark and Switzerland leads towards a new and common form of interest group system. The paper analyze the presence of interest groups, in the two major venues of the legislative process (administrative and parliamentary venues), and ask if we observe a decline in the role of corporatist interest groups. Can we observe a trend toward “parliamentary corporatism”, marked by increasing involvement of corporatist actors in the parliamentary venue and declining presence in the traditional corporatist administrative venue? To address these research questions, a longitudinal study will compare which interest groups had privileged access in the decade 1975-1985 versus in 2010. In the administrative venue, we look at seats in public committees. In the parliamentary venue, we measure another indicator of privileged access, namely the number of interest groups to which an MP is affiliated (as simple member, board member or paid official) in 1985 and in 2010. The proposed combination of longitudinal, cross-sectional and cross-country comparisons aims at systematically mapping and comparing two national interest groups systems. This approach is innovative as comparative studies are not so numerous (page 3 and 4 of workshop call). Last but not least, the proposed paper lies at the crossroad of the literature on national interest groups system, and the neo-corporatist theory as developed by Schmitter and Streeck.
