What does it mean to be moral ? What does it mean to be a moral political man ? This contribution takes Lawrence Kohlberg's theory of moral development as the analytical frame to answer these questions. Based on the writings of Vaclav Havel, political dissident and then first president of the postcommunist Tchecoslovakian Republic, our study displays how emblematic a moral man and political man Vaclav Havel has been.
L'auteur tente de démontrer l'ambivalence fondamentale du christianisme dans sa manière d'envisager les conflits et de les résoudre. Si la tonalité du message du Christ est en gros susceptible d'être qualifiée de pacifiste, ce n'est de loin pas le cas du christianisme constantinien.
This lecture is structured like a Hegelian triade. The initial thesis states the fundamental equality of all human beings, which is the core of the human rights philosophy. The antithesis acknowledges the fact of the nation-state which is a serious obstacle to the full implementation of human rights because of its intrinsic exclusive nature. The synthesis sketches a reconciliation of the two first thesis by introducing the concept of regional integration, typically the European Union, as a framework of an inchoate cosmopolitan order which would respect both human rights and national sovereignties.
Ce chapitre propose une double approche innovante de la démocratie directe suisse. Sur le plan théorique, en nous inspirant de J.B.Bendor et de M.Landau, nous proposons une conceptualisation des institutions politiques suisses en termes de complexité et de redondance. D'autre part, nous esquissons une approche empirique des votations à partir des mots d'ordre donnés par les partis politiques et les organisations professionnnelles lors des votations, ces mots d'ordre se regroupant dans ce que nous appelons des coalitions objectives. Le reste de l'ouvrage est consacré aux analyses empririques proprement dites.
Les études en psychologie sociale, portant sur les effets des stéréotypes de genre présents dans les jeux vidéo, font valoir que les consommateurs/joueurs (hommes et femmes) qui s'exposent régulièrement à des personnages féminins stéréotypés, sont plus susceptibles de développer des attitudes et croyances sexistes, à la fois dans les environnements en ligne (multijoueurs) et à la fois dans les environnements hors ligne (monde ‘‘réel''). De plus, les consommatrices (joueuses) qui s'exposent régulièrement à des personnages féminins stéréotypés voient leur probabilité de développer des problèmes de santé physique (anorexie, troubles nutritifs) et psychologique (dépression, honte corporelle, dépréciation de soi) significativement renforcée. Au vu des effets susmentionnés, se poser la question d'une éventuelle régulation étatique peut sembler légitime.
This chapter analyzes the dilemma that Swiss citizens face between the reintroduction of some form of immigration control and the continuation of the bilateral agreements with the European Union (EU). More specifically, the purpose of the chapter is to shed light on the sociodemographic and political characteristics of the pivotal group of voters who supported the initiative against mass immigration in 2014 but, when asked about the dilemma, say they would give priority to the continuation of the bilateral agreements over immigration control. To that end, I pool data from three different opinion surveys conducted in 2014, 2015 and 2016 and I estimate logistic regression models. The results highlight the importance of age, trust in government, left-right orientation, support to Swiss traditions and political interest as determinants of individual attitudes towards bilateral treaties and immigration control.
Labour standards are one of the most contested issues in economic relations between developed countries and emerging markets. As attempts to codify such standards in the WTO have failed, the EU and the US have intensified their efforts to promote them in bilateral and regional Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs). Whereas this practice has been quite consistent across the globe, the lack of corresponding PTAs with China and India restricts US and EU potentials. This article turns the question on its head and explores to what extent the EU and the US promote labour standards in China and India in the absence of conditional clauses, by focusing on more horizontal strategies of cooperation instead. Drawing on the analytical framework of institutional and substantive labour standards promotion in the absence of conditionality and on the supply and demand model of regulatory influence, the study reveals that while conditional approaches in the field of labour standards are highly contested by China and India, the US and the EU are able to engage them via technical cooperation, political dialogues, Memoranda of Understandings (MoUs), and other formal agreements. It furthermore shows that core labour standards are less consistently addressed in their bilateral cooperation than technical and governance labour standards.
