migration control have proliferated all over the world and occupy an important space in recent UN initiatives to boost global cooperation on migration and refugees. Unlike Europe, where these different aspects of migration policy have come under the ambit of one institution, the European Union, regional initiatives in other parts of the world tend to emerge in different fora, with overlapping but incongruent memberships. Introducing a taxonomy of regional migration institutions, this article assesses regionalism's contribution to multilevel migration governance in two dimensions: the vertical interplay between regional and multilateral institutions on the one hand and the horizontal relationship between regional institutions on the other hand. The article concludes that regional (economic) integration frameworks like ASEAN, ECOWAS or MERCOSUR may prove fruitful anchors for more substantial regional migration governance.
Exposing the ideological conflicts involved in the creation of a common European Asylum Policy, this article calls for an extension of classic integration theories to look beyond whether crises result in ‘more' or ‘less' Europe and to address the substance of European integration. Drawing on actorcentered institutionalism and organizational sociology, the ‘refugee crisis' is interpreted as a manifestation of the growing mismatch between the EU's normative striving towards a ‘Union of values' and the political and institutional limits imposed. The result is organized hypocrisy: the concurrent reinforcement of protective claims and protectionist policies.
Drawing an analogy to the role of immigration policy in processes of state formation, this article argues that the development of common asylum/immigration policies is indicative of the normative tensions implied in the EU's transition from a regulatory polity towards a political Union. Based on an analysis of key legislative texts from the emergence of common immigration policies until today, it is shown that policy developments are torn between three competing and conflicting political identities. The EU's traditional ‘market power' identity anchored in a regulatory approach focused on economic priorities has given way to an uneasy competition between aspirations at ‘normative power' identity based on universal liberal values and a politically predominant ‘statist' identity that addresses asylum/immigration policies as a corollary of and challenge to internal community-building and security. While these tensions are characteristic of the ‘liberal paradox' of democratic states' immigration policies, they are particularly challenging in the context of an increasingly contested European integration project.
The destabilization of Eastern Europe and of the Southern Mediterranean has exposed the limits of the European peace project. Obviously, the European Neighbourhood Policy has not succeeded in boosting peace and prosperity. This article attributes this failure to a combination of functionalist hubris and political myopia that emanates from the European Union's peculiar constitution as a regulatory power with weak political union. While the projection of the European Union's single market acquis has set over-ambitious targets, the needs of the partner countries and the wider geopolitical implications of the Neighbourhood Policy have received little political attention. In sum, the experience at the fringes of the European peace project not only unveils the limits of the European Union as a foreign policy actor, but it also raises more theoretical questions on the notion of ‘liberal peace'.
Les institutions politiques doivent-elles être le miroir de la diversité culturelle de nos sociétés ? Pourquoi est-il crucial qu'un Afro-Américain ait pu devenir président des États-Unis ou que le gouvernement français accueille une ministre d'origine musulmane ? Est-il nécessaire que le gouvernement belge soit composé d'un nombre égal de francophones et de néerlandophones, que l'exécutif fédéral suisse reflète les différentes régions linguistiques du pays ? En résumé, faut-il être pour ou contre les quotas, ces instruments dits de "discrimination positive" ? De manière séduisante et efficace, Nenad Stojanović aborde ces questions en ouvrant chaque chapitre par un dialogue entre deux étudiants, Cosimo et Thérèse, le premier favorable aux quotas, et la seconde non ; dialogues qu'il commente ensuite sur le plan théorique. Il rend ainsi plus accessible un sujet qui touche toutes les démocraties : celui de l'instauration d'une société multiculturelle stable et ouverte sur le monde.
L'herméneutique se définit comme l'art de comprendre. Dès lors elle intervient à chaque moment de la vie humaine, dès l'enfance, puisque l'enfant grandit en cherchant à comprendre le monde dans lequel il vit. Ce livre cherche lui-même à comprendre comment fonctionne l'herméneutique, notamment lorsqu'elle a affaire avec la science en général et avec les sciences sociales en particulier. C'est pourquoi est aussi abordé le grand débat qui eut lieu en sociologie entre une approche explicative par les causes et une approche compréhensive. Mais peut-être ces deux approches ne sont-elles au fond que les deux arches d'un même pont, selon l'expression de Paul Ricœur. Ce livre s'adresse aux universitaires, enseignants comme étudiants avancés, qui désirent mieux appréhender les fondements des disciplines de sciences sociales, de même qu'aux personnes soucieuses de comprendre ce que comprendre veut dire.
