In this paper, my primary goal is to test if vote conversion is in line with voters' perceptions of parties' competence, i.e. if the competence change in favor of a party during the political campaign triggers vote conversion in favor of this same party. Then, I assess the moderating role of saliency and political knowledge and the difference between ‘valence' and 'positional' issues. I use a four-waves panel data gathered before and after the 2015 Swiss national elections. The results indicate that if a voter changes her competence perceptions in favor of a party, she is more likely to convert her vote in favor of this party. In general, saliency and knowledge are not strong moderators of this relationship. While the study also points out the major role of the ‘migration' and the ‘European Union' issues, the findings about valence and positional issues are not crystal clear.
L'analyse porte sur les différents discours du président Macron tenus en 2017 et 2018. De nombreux observateurs avaient alors considéré qu'ils constituaient des appels historiques qui pourraient modifier de manière substantielle l'architecture européenne en matière de sécurité. Nous avons pu observer que cela a débouché sur le lancement d'une Initiative européenne d'intervention (IEI). Mais celle-ci est particulièrement déconcertante. Tout d'abord, son impact médiatique a été très faible. A cela s'ajoute le risque de confusion avec la Coopération structurée permanente (CSP) de l'UE. Il est également difficile d'éviter des duplications avec des projets très proches de l'OTAN. On peut aussi s'étonner que ce soit un seul pays, en l'occurrence la France, qui conduise totalement le projet en marge des autres projets existants. L'élément le plus paradoxal de cette IEI est qu'elle a pour principal objectif de relancer l'Union européenne de la défense, tout en se situant pourtant en dehors de cette dernière.
Economic outcomes have long been neglected by students of social movements. However, recently a number of studies have emerged addressing this topic. This chapter reviews works on economic outcomes of social movements. Economic impacts of social movements are defined here as pertaining to the economic sphere either in terms of government actions to regulate the economy/impose redistribution/reform the practices of companies and corporations, or to changes in social practices and individual behavior with respect to consumption. As such, the current review addresses scholarship on movements’ attempts to attain government regulation in markets, governments’ direct interventions in markets, and changes in market rules and practices in the social sphere.
We argue that the national state remains the main frame of reference in the field of immigration and ethnic relations. The cultural-historical imprint of the pattern of state formation has produced distinct regimes for the incorporation of migrants which largely explain variations in government policies, public debates, and collective mobilizations concerning this policy area. we first discuss the debate seen in the literature between supporters of the primacy of national sovereignty and post-nationalist theorists. We then describe the process of construction of a EU migration policy, stressing the economic foundations that has driven efforts at policy coordination and the prevailing intergovernmental approach. Finally, we present results of an ongoing project which show the strong variations that exist between counties as regards policies, debates, and mobilizations pertaining to international migration.
Previous studies have found that left-wing and libertarian individuals are more likely to engage in extra-institutional political activism. However, due to a lack of suitable data, studies to date have not analysed the relative influence of economic redistributive and social libertarian values for the intensity of protest participation. By analysing data from a unique cross-national dataset on participants in mass demonstrations in seven countries, this article addresses this gap in the literature and provides evidence of the relative impact of economic redistributive and social libertarian values in explaining different degrees of protest participation. We show that there are divergent logics underpinning the effect of the two value sets on extra-institutional participation. While both economically redistributive and libertarian social values support extra-institutional participation, economically redistributive protesters are mobilized to political action mainly through organizations, whereas the extra-institutional participation of social libertarian protesters is underpinned by their dissatisfaction with the workings of democracy.
This article investigates whether linkages between members of parliament (MPs) and interest groups matter for MPs' activities of co-sponsoring legislative proposals. Based on statistical models for network data, the study builds on classical explanations of co-sponsorships highlighting the role of similar ties between MPs, such as party membership, legislative committee assignments, electoral district or gender. It shows that, on top of these traditional forms of homophily, MPs' ties to interest groups also make a difference. MPs with ties to a similar type of interest groups are more likely to co-sponsor their respective proposals. The same holds for MPs with ties to groups active in the same policy domain. These findings have implications for the study of groups' lobbying, legislative behaviour and representative democracy.
